Crime Videos - The Documentary Network Explore the world beyond headlines with amazing videos. Wed, 12 Apr 2017 13:53:47 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.3.5 https://documentary.net/wp-content/themes/documentary/img/documentary-logo.png Documentary Network - Watch free documentaries and films 337 17 Explore the world beyond headlines with amazing videos. Murder Island – Corsican Crime Wave https://documentary.net/video/murder-island-corsican-crime-wave/ https://documentary.net/video/murder-island-corsican-crime-wave/#respond Fri, 11 Oct 2013 05:14:58 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=10658

Sun, sea, sand and a good chance of being killed. Are gang rivalries turning Corsica into Europe's murder hotspot? With homicide rates 7 times higher than in mainland France, gang rivalry over lucrative tourist property development deals has turned the stunningly beautiful island of Corsica into Europe's crime hot spot. "We can no longer count how many people have died," says crime reporter Paul Ortoli. "Anyone could get killed at any time and anywhere." The list of recent victims in this killing spree includes some of the island's more powerful figures. The daylight murder of Corsica's most prominent lawyer, Antoine Sollacaro, has taken on a symbolic significance. The inadequately equipped law enforcement is headed by Mayor Ange-Pierre Vivoni. His heroic efforts to protect the island's natural beauty have made him the target of arson and bombing attempts. With 3 murders occurring in the time of filming this report, the leader of a protest group is angered by France's indifference to Corsica's plight. "The French Government is not interested in Corsica. We are nothing. That's why they leave us in the hands of the mafia."]]>

Sun, sea, sand and a good chance of being killed. Are gang rivalries turning Corsica into Europe's murder hotspot? With homicide rates 7 times higher than in mainland France, gang rivalry over lucrative tourist property development deals has turned the stunningly beautiful island of Corsica into Europe's crime hot spot. "We can no longer count how many people have died," says crime reporter Paul Ortoli. "Anyone could get killed at any time and anywhere." The list of recent victims in this killing spree includes some of the island's more powerful figures. The daylight murder of Corsica's most prominent lawyer, Antoine Sollacaro, has taken on a symbolic significance. The inadequately equipped law enforcement is headed by Mayor Ange-Pierre Vivoni. His heroic efforts to protect the island's natural beauty have made him the target of arson and bombing attempts. With 3 murders occurring in the time of filming this report, the leader of a protest group is angered by France's indifference to Corsica's plight. "The French Government is not interested in Corsica. We are nothing. That's why they leave us in the hands of the mafia."]]>
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Mexican Vigilantes Stand Up Against Crime https://documentary.net/video/mexican-vigilantes-stand-up-against-crime/ https://documentary.net/video/mexican-vigilantes-stand-up-against-crime/#respond Wed, 01 May 2013 15:14:12 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=9760

The state of Guerrero (which means "warrior") is one of the poorest in Mexico and the site of some of the worst violence in the battle between the drug cartels and Mexican authorities. As a result of the violence, hundreds of civillians have armed themselves with machetes, rifles, and shotguns, put masks on, and decided to police their own communities, effectively taking justice into their own hands.]]>

The state of Guerrero (which means "warrior") is one of the poorest in Mexico and the site of some of the worst violence in the battle between the drug cartels and Mexican authorities. As a result of the violence, hundreds of civillians have armed themselves with machetes, rifles, and shotguns, put masks on, and decided to police their own communities, effectively taking justice into their own hands.]]>
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Hillbrow: Between Heaven and Hell https://documentary.net/video/hillbrow-between-heaven-and-hell/ https://documentary.net/video/hillbrow-between-heaven-and-hell/#respond Wed, 29 Feb 2012 22:00:52 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=5378

Award-winning filmmaker Clifford Bestall goes back to the place where he grew up to explore this microcosm of chaos, crime and corruption in urban South Africa and discovers a place where human spirit, hope and enterprise triumph. George 'the brick' is an aging boxer, a hard-lived survivor. Around him and his gym are the characters that make Hillbrow the high-rise melting pot of South Africa. - Busi and Mimie are female boxers, punching their way out of their troubled backgrounds beyond the South African borders. - Les is a local nightclub entrepreneur with an eye for an opportunity. - And Bernice is a frail old Jewish lady - one of the very few whites still living in Hillbrow. This film draws them into its fold as their stories unfurl, revealing a rich seam of today's urban South African experience.]]>

Award-winning filmmaker Clifford Bestall goes back to the place where he grew up to explore this microcosm of chaos, crime and corruption in urban South Africa and discovers a place where human spirit, hope and enterprise triumph. George 'the brick' is an aging boxer, a hard-lived survivor. Around him and his gym are the characters that make Hillbrow the high-rise melting pot of South Africa. - Busi and Mimie are female boxers, punching their way out of their troubled backgrounds beyond the South African borders. - Les is a local nightclub entrepreneur with an eye for an opportunity. - And Bernice is a frail old Jewish lady - one of the very few whites still living in Hillbrow. This film draws them into its fold as their stories unfurl, revealing a rich seam of today's urban South African experience.]]>
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Life in San Salvador https://documentary.net/video/life-in-san-salvador/ https://documentary.net/video/life-in-san-salvador/#respond Wed, 18 Jan 2012 20:16:55 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=4428

In the dusty, rubbish-strewn streets of Mejicanos, a working-class district of San Salvador, the capital of El Salvador, Father Antonio Lopez Tercero points to the gang graffiti scarring the walls. Gang violence is one of the defining features of life in El Salvador today. In the capital alone, a city with a population of around two million, between 10 and 15 people are murdered daily: at least half of these deaths are gang-related and, in a climate of impunity, rarely is anyone caught. "Life is worth nothing in this country," Father Antonio says. "There is so much impunity. Killing someone is like killing a chicken." 'Padre Toño', as Father Antonio is known, is one of many whose lives are affected by the violence. But he is also one of the few prepared to work with the gang members; seeing them not just as criminals, but as victims of a divided society. "It takes no effort at all to go from being a victim to being an offender," he says. "All the resentment and accumulated senselessness of the world in which they've grown up means it is all too easy to cross over into violence." Filmmaker Thomas Hurkxkens accompanies Father Antonio on his daily rounds, meeting those whose lives have been most affected by gang life and gang violence - people like Giovanni, a former gang leader who is now expecting his first child and is determined to go straight, and Sonia, whose son was murdered by a gang but who has yet to receive justice.]]>

In the dusty, rubbish-strewn streets of Mejicanos, a working-class district of San Salvador, the capital of El Salvador, Father Antonio Lopez Tercero points to the gang graffiti scarring the walls. Gang violence is one of the defining features of life in El Salvador today. In the capital alone, a city with a population of around two million, between 10 and 15 people are murdered daily: at least half of these deaths are gang-related and, in a climate of impunity, rarely is anyone caught. "Life is worth nothing in this country," Father Antonio says. "There is so much impunity. Killing someone is like killing a chicken." 'Padre Toño', as Father Antonio is known, is one of many whose lives are affected by the violence. But he is also one of the few prepared to work with the gang members; seeing them not just as criminals, but as victims of a divided society. "It takes no effort at all to go from being a victim to being an offender," he says. "All the resentment and accumulated senselessness of the world in which they've grown up means it is all too easy to cross over into violence." Filmmaker Thomas Hurkxkens accompanies Father Antonio on his daily rounds, meeting those whose lives have been most affected by gang life and gang violence - people like Giovanni, a former gang leader who is now expecting his first child and is determined to go straight, and Sonia, whose son was murdered by a gang but who has yet to receive justice.]]>
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Into the Abyss – Death Row Documentary by Werner Herzog – Preview Clips https://documentary.net/magazine/into-the-abyss-death-row-documentary-by-werner-herzog-preview-clips/ https://documentary.net/magazine/into-the-abyss-death-row-documentary-by-werner-herzog-preview-clips/#respond Mon, 08 Aug 2011 08:50:59 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=2409

Werner Herzog is working on a documentary feature focusing on death row inmates. He explores the legacy of a triple homicide in Texas interviewing the victims’ families and those convicted for the crime including one man on death row, eight days before his execution. “I am doing a film on death row inmates who are waiting for execution. Of course, it fascinates me to look into deep abysses of the human soul. Left and right, wherever you look, there is an abyss.” Here are some preview clips from the upcoming film: Clip2
Clip3
]]>

Werner Herzog is working on a documentary feature focusing on death row inmates. He explores the legacy of a triple homicide in Texas interviewing the victims’ families and those convicted for the crime including one man on death row, eight days before his execution. “I am doing a film on death row inmates who are waiting for execution. Of course, it fascinates me to look into deep abysses of the human soul. Left and right, wherever you look, there is an abyss.” Here are some preview clips from the upcoming film: Clip2
Clip3
]]>
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FARC Guerrillas – A war that never ends? https://documentary.net/video/farc-guerrillas-a-war-that-never-ends/ https://documentary.net/video/farc-guerrillas-a-war-that-never-ends/#comments Sat, 06 Aug 2011 07:45:28 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=2398

After decades of war, today the Colombian government claims to be putting an end to one of the oldest guerrilla organisations in the world: the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The strategy that accompanies the government's military strikes is to offer opportunities and guarantees to those soldiers who decide to leave the ranks of the group. But can Colombia keep its promise of peace for the ex-FARC guerrillas returning home from the jungle - and can they resist temptations? In the following account, filmmaker Russ Finkelstein describes the issues behind the demobilisation programme and why many ex-FARC guerrillas are struggling with demobilisation. The FARC has been fighting a revolution in Colombia for 47 years now. What first began as a Marxist-inspired struggle over land rights, social and agrarian reforms and resistance to neo-imperialism has been intensified and warped by the influence of the extremely lucrative cocaine trade. At times, the FARC has held support among Colombia's lower classes, especially in the countryside. In other contexts they have been feared and despised for their ruthless tactics. The Colombian government, the US state department and the European Union consider them to be a terrorist organisation. Alvaro Uribe, who was president of Colombia from 2002 to 2010, made eradicating the FARC a top priority of his administration. Contrary to his predecessor, Andres Pastrana Arango, who held peace talks with the guerrillas, Uribe took a hardline approach to ending the conflict; perhaps in part because his own father was killed by the FARC during a 1983 kidnapping attempt. During his presidency, Uribe launched countless military operations against the group, and his former minister of defence and the country's current president, Juan Manuel Santos, has kept putting an end to the FARC a top priority of the current administration. For the guerrillas, the harshness of the jungle combined with enduring increasingly effective military strikes has made life for the combatants treacherous, if not intolerable. Thousands of the groups remaining members have been tempted to defect thanks to the government's demobilisation programme, which consist of a pardon for having been a member of a terrorist organisation as well as economic, educational and psychological assistance while integrating into civilian life. The Santos government considers the programme, along with the military pressure on the FARC, to be successful, citing the large numbers of demobilised combatants as forward progress in the seemingly endless war. "The best way to win the war is to prevent combat from continuing while still being able to achieve one's objectives," said President Juan Manuel Santos at a recent forum on the demobilisation process, adding, "How can we defeat them as quickly as possible? Of course military action continues. They are constantly adapting, they have and continue to finance themselves through drug trafficking, and so what will put an end to them once and for all? We have told them to demobilise and form part of the [demobilisation] programme, because if they don't it will either be jail or the grave. For this to be more convincing, we've got to make demobilisation more attractive, and we've got to make the threat of jail or the grave more effective." While we were making Hard Road Back, it became apparent that for the ex-combatants the war does not necessarily end with their demobilisation. The FARC continues to exist. They consider their defected former comrades, including those who participated in our film, to be traitors to the organisation, an offence punishable by death. Most of the ex-combatants we spent time with were hesitant at first to appear on camera as they generally try to remain anonymous for the sake of their personal safety. Additionally, they do not usually discuss their pasts as they try to avoid discrimination they are likely to face in a society that generally considers them to be terrorists, extortionists, kidnappers, torturers, rapists and murderers. For these reasons many of the demobilised leave their homes in the countryside to settle in large cities where they can live anonymously. For their personal surrender as well as for their participation in psychological counselling and basic education, the ex-combatants receive a modest monthly stipend from the government. The programme also allows them plenty of free time in which they are encouraged to work. We learned however after talking to dozens of ex-combatants in the programme, that with little if any education, few employable skills and the discrimination they face as former terrorists, the demobilised ex-combatants generally live lives of poverty. At the same time, the war continues to manifest and change. New armed groups have sprung up in marginal neighbourhoods of major cities; which also happen to be the types of places where many of the ex-combatants settle after demobilising. These criminal elements, including urban wings of paramilitary groups, pay three to five times the amount of the monthly government stipend to those who work as hired guns. The money is often sufficient temptation for those with the experience and know-how necessary for this type of work. After meeting dozens of ex-combatants and hearing them tell their stories, it became apparent that the existence of these new armed groups and the temptation they represent to the demobilised ex-combatants presents a significant challenge to the success of the government's programme and to the prospect of peace as proposed by the current policies. The government's efforts may be diminishing the FARC's numbers, but if a significant number of those who leave the group end up taking up arms to fight for other illegal armed groups, then the war will perhaps mutate and persist. The names of the groups doing the fighting may change though the profile of the individual combatants remains essentially the same. For the most part, they are poor and frustrated people to whom joining in the fighting represents a means of survival. As is usually the case with people from the countryside anywhere in the world, the ex-combatants we came in contact with were all very hospitable, humble, friendly, respectful and accommodating. At first it was startling to recall that the people who had invited us into their homes and offered us their food had a few months or years ago been carrying out unthinkable acts in the jungle. We soon realised though that they are tired of fighting and are now doing their best to leave their violent pasts behind. All of the former FARC combatants we met including Julio came from rural poverty. Julio first joined the FARC as a miliciano or plain-clothed, unarmed helper, when he was eleven or twelve years old. He was an orphan and had been forced to work in the fields as a young boy. To him, the well dressed, well-armed FARC soldiers commanded respect. Furthermore, they stood for political ideals that directly reflected the injustices he lived as a peasant from the countryside. He soon became dedicated to the organisation and was convinced that the FARC would topple the powers that be and establish a new and more just government in Colombia. But after nearly two decades with the organisation and changing personal circumstances, Julio decided to defect. He moved to Bogota with his wife and son and has since been doing his best to make ends meet; though it has not been easy. Although he has given up on the FARC's revolution, he still remains politically committed to social change and progress for Colombia's poor. He has had to put his political ideals aside to some degree however in order to address the more pressing issue of his family's wellbeing. Julio is charming and charismatic. In the FARC he rose to the rank of commander and in civilian life he has attracted countless friends and comrades. He is currently organising a committee of ex-combatants in his neighbourhood which he hopes will, among their other objectives, help prevent the demobilised from falling back into the war. The idea is to pool resources, improve relations with the community and establish solidarity and camaraderie amongst the demobilised in order to improve their situation. For the government, the success of the demobilisation programme is seen as a vital strategic step in putting an end to a gruesome war that has gone on for nearly half a century. But for the FARC's former combatants, most of whom have endured hardship and turmoil all their lives, the government's programme offers an opportunity to start anew and pursue something they have never known: a peaceful life. If they are to achieve this goal, however, they must be personally committed to peace in order to resist the ever-present possibility of reverting back to a life of violence. A film by Manuel Contreras and Russ Finkelstein]]>

After decades of war, today the Colombian government claims to be putting an end to one of the oldest guerrilla organisations in the world: the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The strategy that accompanies the government's military strikes is to offer opportunities and guarantees to those soldiers who decide to leave the ranks of the group. But can Colombia keep its promise of peace for the ex-FARC guerrillas returning home from the jungle - and can they resist temptations? In the following account, filmmaker Russ Finkelstein describes the issues behind the demobilisation programme and why many ex-FARC guerrillas are struggling with demobilisation. The FARC has been fighting a revolution in Colombia for 47 years now. What first began as a Marxist-inspired struggle over land rights, social and agrarian reforms and resistance to neo-imperialism has been intensified and warped by the influence of the extremely lucrative cocaine trade. At times, the FARC has held support among Colombia's lower classes, especially in the countryside. In other contexts they have been feared and despised for their ruthless tactics. The Colombian government, the US state department and the European Union consider them to be a terrorist organisation. Alvaro Uribe, who was president of Colombia from 2002 to 2010, made eradicating the FARC a top priority of his administration. Contrary to his predecessor, Andres Pastrana Arango, who held peace talks with the guerrillas, Uribe took a hardline approach to ending the conflict; perhaps in part because his own father was killed by the FARC during a 1983 kidnapping attempt. During his presidency, Uribe launched countless military operations against the group, and his former minister of defence and the country's current president, Juan Manuel Santos, has kept putting an end to the FARC a top priority of the current administration. For the guerrillas, the harshness of the jungle combined with enduring increasingly effective military strikes has made life for the combatants treacherous, if not intolerable. Thousands of the groups remaining members have been tempted to defect thanks to the government's demobilisation programme, which consist of a pardon for having been a member of a terrorist organisation as well as economic, educational and psychological assistance while integrating into civilian life. The Santos government considers the programme, along with the military pressure on the FARC, to be successful, citing the large numbers of demobilised combatants as forward progress in the seemingly endless war. "The best way to win the war is to prevent combat from continuing while still being able to achieve one's objectives," said President Juan Manuel Santos at a recent forum on the demobilisation process, adding, "How can we defeat them as quickly as possible? Of course military action continues. They are constantly adapting, they have and continue to finance themselves through drug trafficking, and so what will put an end to them once and for all? We have told them to demobilise and form part of the [demobilisation] programme, because if they don't it will either be jail or the grave. For this to be more convincing, we've got to make demobilisation more attractive, and we've got to make the threat of jail or the grave more effective." While we were making Hard Road Back, it became apparent that for the ex-combatants the war does not necessarily end with their demobilisation. The FARC continues to exist. They consider their defected former comrades, including those who participated in our film, to be traitors to the organisation, an offence punishable by death. Most of the ex-combatants we spent time with were hesitant at first to appear on camera as they generally try to remain anonymous for the sake of their personal safety. Additionally, they do not usually discuss their pasts as they try to avoid discrimination they are likely to face in a society that generally considers them to be terrorists, extortionists, kidnappers, torturers, rapists and murderers. For these reasons many of the demobilised leave their homes in the countryside to settle in large cities where they can live anonymously. For their personal surrender as well as for their participation in psychological counselling and basic education, the ex-combatants receive a modest monthly stipend from the government. The programme also allows them plenty of free time in which they are encouraged to work. We learned however after talking to dozens of ex-combatants in the programme, that with little if any education, few employable skills and the discrimination they face as former terrorists, the demobilised ex-combatants generally live lives of poverty. At the same time, the war continues to manifest and change. New armed groups have sprung up in marginal neighbourhoods of major cities; which also happen to be the types of places where many of the ex-combatants settle after demobilising. These criminal elements, including urban wings of paramilitary groups, pay three to five times the amount of the monthly government stipend to those who work as hired guns. The money is often sufficient temptation for those with the experience and know-how necessary for this type of work. After meeting dozens of ex-combatants and hearing them tell their stories, it became apparent that the existence of these new armed groups and the temptation they represent to the demobilised ex-combatants presents a significant challenge to the success of the government's programme and to the prospect of peace as proposed by the current policies. The government's efforts may be diminishing the FARC's numbers, but if a significant number of those who leave the group end up taking up arms to fight for other illegal armed groups, then the war will perhaps mutate and persist. The names of the groups doing the fighting may change though the profile of the individual combatants remains essentially the same. For the most part, they are poor and frustrated people to whom joining in the fighting represents a means of survival. As is usually the case with people from the countryside anywhere in the world, the ex-combatants we came in contact with were all very hospitable, humble, friendly, respectful and accommodating. At first it was startling to recall that the people who had invited us into their homes and offered us their food had a few months or years ago been carrying out unthinkable acts in the jungle. We soon realised though that they are tired of fighting and are now doing their best to leave their violent pasts behind. All of the former FARC combatants we met including Julio came from rural poverty. Julio first joined the FARC as a miliciano or plain-clothed, unarmed helper, when he was eleven or twelve years old. He was an orphan and had been forced to work in the fields as a young boy. To him, the well dressed, well-armed FARC soldiers commanded respect. Furthermore, they stood for political ideals that directly reflected the injustices he lived as a peasant from the countryside. He soon became dedicated to the organisation and was convinced that the FARC would topple the powers that be and establish a new and more just government in Colombia. But after nearly two decades with the organisation and changing personal circumstances, Julio decided to defect. He moved to Bogota with his wife and son and has since been doing his best to make ends meet; though it has not been easy. Although he has given up on the FARC's revolution, he still remains politically committed to social change and progress for Colombia's poor. He has had to put his political ideals aside to some degree however in order to address the more pressing issue of his family's wellbeing. Julio is charming and charismatic. In the FARC he rose to the rank of commander and in civilian life he has attracted countless friends and comrades. He is currently organising a committee of ex-combatants in his neighbourhood which he hopes will, among their other objectives, help prevent the demobilised from falling back into the war. The idea is to pool resources, improve relations with the community and establish solidarity and camaraderie amongst the demobilised in order to improve their situation. For the government, the success of the demobilisation programme is seen as a vital strategic step in putting an end to a gruesome war that has gone on for nearly half a century. But for the FARC's former combatants, most of whom have endured hardship and turmoil all their lives, the government's programme offers an opportunity to start anew and pursue something they have never known: a peaceful life. If they are to achieve this goal, however, they must be personally committed to peace in order to resist the ever-present possibility of reverting back to a life of violence. A film by Manuel Contreras and Russ Finkelstein]]>
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Russian Mafia: Thieves by Law https://documentary.net/video/russian-mafia-thieves-by-law/ https://documentary.net/video/russian-mafia-thieves-by-law/#respond Thu, 28 Jul 2011 09:05:31 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=2309

Very detailed and well made documentary about the Russian Mafia and how the systems works. Filled with exclusive footage and interviews. You get some real insights. No - it is not fiction, it is real. ]]>

Very detailed and well made documentary about the Russian Mafia and how the systems works. Filled with exclusive footage and interviews. You get some real insights. No - it is not fiction, it is real. ]]>
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Impunity and Profits in Juarez (Mexico): Murder Capital of the World https://documentary.net/video/impunity-and-profits-in-juarez-mexico-murder-capital-of-the-world/ https://documentary.net/video/impunity-and-profits-in-juarez-mexico-murder-capital-of-the-world/#comments Sat, 02 Jul 2011 06:30:03 +0000 http://documentary.net/?p=2085

Once known as a booming industrial city and a model of economic progress in Mexico, the border city of Juarez has become infamous as the murder capital of the world. More than 8,000 people have been killed there since 2008, when Mexican President Felipe Calderon sent in the army to carry out his offensive against the drug cartels. Across the border is El Paso and has the lowest crime rate in the United States. The official story is that the Sinaloa and Juarez cartels are fighting for the city and the access it provides to the multi-billion dollar US drug market only a few hundred metres away. Josh Rushing travels to Ciudad Juarez, and asks how human life there came to be worth so much less than the drugs being trafficked through.]]>

Once known as a booming industrial city and a model of economic progress in Mexico, the border city of Juarez has become infamous as the murder capital of the world. More than 8,000 people have been killed there since 2008, when Mexican President Felipe Calderon sent in the army to carry out his offensive against the drug cartels. Across the border is El Paso and has the lowest crime rate in the United States. The official story is that the Sinaloa and Juarez cartels are fighting for the city and the access it provides to the multi-billion dollar US drug market only a few hundred metres away. Josh Rushing travels to Ciudad Juarez, and asks how human life there came to be worth so much less than the drugs being trafficked through.]]>
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